Dissertation

More Than a Game: An Evaluation of the Influence Scottish Sport has on Young Scots’ Feelings of National Identity. Andrew Ham Alton Acknowledgements This piece of work has been the pinnacle of a hard four years. On handing this in I feel a great sense of achievement as it signifies the completion of both my dissertation and my honors degree. This stage could not have been reached without encouragement from my family and friends and the support and teachings of the staff in the School of Health and Social Sciences at Napier University with whom have had regular contact in the last four years.

Special thanks must go out some people though. I would like to thank my family for motivational support and encouraging me to keep going to the end of fourth year. I would like to thank all my participants for taking part; without them I could not have reached this stage. Would also like to thank Mr. Howard Holman for continuing to support me throughout the project and making himself available for consultation during this period, and Mr. Steve Strolling his assistance with statistics. Finally I would like to thank Christopher Higgins for help in shaping and supporting my ideas, and IANAL McNeil for help with phrasing and format.

This could not have been achieved without those around me and my gratitude goes out to them. Abstract… … -? 3) Analysis and Interpretation 21 4) Conclusions and 6. 3 -? Questionnaire Co .NET TTS Page . 17 1) Introduction 1 2) Research Design and Methodology Recommendations 35 5) Bibliography 6. 1 – Briefing -? Data Spreadsheet , Abstract . 406) Appendices . I 6. 2 – Consent Form iv 6. 4 – De-brief …. Ix 6. 5 – Statistical Output x 6. 6 Through exploration of theories of national identity and sporting affiliation, it was aimed to understand the extent to which sport influences young Cot’s linings of national identity.

Hassles (2005) work on identity markers and how individuals constitute theirs and others national identities, Moreno and Mclean (2005) research of dual nationality and the opinions around this in us bemired nations, Bradley (2002) and Dickson (1994) study of the relationship which exists with England and English sporting representatives, and Harvey (1994) examination of the influence of different sporting cultures on national identity, were all used to build up a strong basis for the research.

Research was carried out through 23 (mom; 1 Of) quantitative surveys insisting twenty questions distributed to young Scots between the ages of 18 and 25. It was found that contrary to Kiel et al (2001) claim that Scotland is made up of a civic form of national identity, the participants in this study reported a much more ethnically form of identity through the importance they placed on such factors as place of birth.

Harvey (1994) assumption that followers of rugby would indicate much stronger British feeling than followers of more working class sports such as football, were also dismissed by the high affiliation of rugby supporting participants in the study with their Scottish identity. The examination of the strength Of Scottish national identity in terms affiliation with Scottish sports stars competing for Britain showed that the representation of the nation in patriot games was very important to many of the participants.

The piece concludes by considering the poor sample size and quality, before going on to examine the possibility for progression within future research. 1) Introduction In the current Scottish situation with a new SNAP government at Hollywood, the Scottish football team of the back of yet another glorious failure, and the Scottish national rugby team not fairing much better, it is time to assess how much a nation so in love with its sport, sees their national identity represented within a context of the success and failures of Scottish sporting performances.

The aim of this article is to examine the relationship been sport and young people’s feelings of national identity in the context of Scotland. This will be achieved by the examination of the quantitative responses provided by a limited sample of young Scots through questionnaires with the purpose to discover their feelings on issues regarding heir interest in sport, their allegiances, their views on their, and others, national identity, and the impact of sport on these feelings.

Through examination of support for rugby and football teams at both domestic and international level, and of opinions and views on identity markers, Scottish and British identity, and the relationship held with England, it is aimed to establish a basis for a relationship between the two factors.

It is proposed that we will be able to establish patterns in three distinct areas: the differences between rugby and football support in relation to both national identity and relationship with near neighbors; the difference between male and female participants in relation to the subject; and finally the level of sporting interests effect on national identity and vice versa. Since 1 707 Scotland has been part of a union of states which forms the collective whole of the United Kingdom Of Great Britain. However, in 1997 the Scottish public voted in a referendum to create a devolved parliament at Hollywood.

Anderson (1989) claims that the United Kingdom is a misfiling collective of different cultures and traditions and this major flaw will eventually lead to its break up. Does the devolution in Scotland indicate a surge in national identity or was it merely a case of ‘right place, right time? Many factors have led to the Scotland we see before us today but the shared heritage and culture present within the country can be seen as one of the most obvious factors. In today’s society, both at local and national level, one of the key rallying points in a busy daily life is sport.

The patriotism of an individual amongst 67,500 others in a crowd at Mercurially or 52,000 at Handmade Park is immense when they see their national heroes play, but does this expand into the rest of their lives? Does the success or failure of a group Of strangers on a pitch really affect how the everyday Scot sees themselves and their national identity? Michael Billing (1995) in his book Banal Nationalism describes how nationalism and nationhood are constantly flagged in everyday events, and how we are almost completely oblivious to these symbols.

He highlights strongly the effects of the sports media and how their portrayal of events and the language they use is a major flag of nationhood, although he does point out the possibility that this is a phenomenon only applicable to the male population. So, has Billing underestimated the modern female population’s interest and affiliation with sport? Or is sport only an influence on national identity within the male population? Before we can discuss the Scottish identity it is first necessary to decide what Scotland is.

Gibbering (2004) argues that a distinction needs to be created between three main concepts: ‘nation’, ‘state’ and ‘nation-state’, and as such the discussions within this piece will fall into line with his definitions. Max Weber defined the State as “a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory’ pop, Weber 1 991, cited Pl 32, Gibbering, 2004), or in simpler terms a group of people in a certain area who feel they have the right and the power to defend that area as their own.

To define the nation Gibbering turned to one of her own earlier works and said “[A Nation is a] group conscious of forming a community, sharing a common culture, attached to a clearly defined territory, having a common past and a common project for the future and claiming the right to rule itself’ (Gibbering 1996:47-48, cited Pl 32, Gibbering, 2004). By this definition many Scots may claim that they themselves are a nation. However, it must be examined whether devolution is a right to rule themselves or whether this is, in essence, local government.

The nation-state, it is claimed, is a modern institution which appears to be an attempted definitive hybrid of its particle terms, it is defined selectively as a group of people with their own land who can claim a right to defend that land, but also as a group in an area which is striving for cultural homogeneity of its occupants. (p 132, Gibbering, 2004). Scotland does indeed consist off group of people who have their own land and are striving for cultural homogeneity in a multicultural world.

But it must be considered, in the event of attack whether Scotland could defend itself or would be required to turn to those fathering entities of the British Army and Navy and the Royal Air Force? However, our original problem still exists, where does Scotland fit into all of this? Gibbering attempts to solve this problem by the creation of yet another term: she calls it “the nation without a state. ” By which she is referring to those territorial communities which possess their own identity and cultural heritage, yet are encapsulated within the boundaries of one or more other states.

She goes on to claim that “nations without states” have their own cultural and territorial historical claims but are defined by its lack Of their own state. (Pl 32, Gibbering, 2004). This could be, in a round about, the answer to the question: by Gibberish’s definition Scotland is a nation without a state. In this confused climate, how do young individuals in Scotland today view themselves? How do they view Scotland? And more importantly in terms of this piece, to what extent does sport influence the creation of these perspectives?

Snout (1994) discusses Anthony Smith’s (1981) theory that identity is made p of seven concentric rings (family, kin, locality, nation, state, empire, and supranational) which are intersected by eight shafts (gender, class, occupation, color, language, religion, sport, military culture) and the combination of the two components forms our very flexible multi facet identity. Snout goes on to comment that many Scots, to the infuriation of nationalists, carry a dual national identity of being both Scottish and British, which is assessed throughout this research.

This, as will be discussed later, is very evident in today’s Scotland and the dual identity of many Scots is ever ore dependent on the effects of not just the community around them but the entire country and the events and behaviors of strangers in both London and Brussels. Hassles, (2005) in the article entitled Identifying Scotland and Wales: Types of Scottish and Welsh National Identities expresses how national identities relate to the imagined communities they are associated with and identifies three types of Scottish national identity: civic, nationalistic, and proud (insular).

Civic identity is seen as flexible on who can be considered and should not be limited to those born in the country. Nationalistic Scots believe Scotland is a nation and should thus receive independence, and they strongly reject claims that nationalism is a threat to today’s Scottish society. Finally, proud (insular) Scots believe that to be Scottish you must be born to Scottish parents, and disagree that Scotland cultural identity is made up of a sum Of all its parts.

Lastly they believe that high importance should be placed on protecting Scotland from incomers and that it is important to hold strong emotional and intrinsic bonds with the country to be considered Scottish. Within the examination of the participants in the current piece it will be examined how individuals’ identity is built and how they view others’ claims to be Scottish. This will test Kiel et al (2001) claim that Scottish national identity is developed on civic rather than ethnic, or insular forms of nationalism.

The main focus of the work of Kiel et al (2001) is identity markers, which are characteristics an individual may present to others in order to back up their claim to an identity, and to attempt to understand how an individual presents their claim, how they receive other peoples claims, and how they react to other people’s perception of a third party claim. By asking participants their views on the importance Of varying aspects Of the build up Of an identity it is hoped to be able to produce some degree of opinion of how individuals mark their identity and those claims of others.

National ideologies are based upon two competing myths: ethnocentrism myths of common ancestry; and civic myths of common commitment to the land. The civic nation is defined by shared commitment and pride in national institutions and their territory, and the nation is defined by common public culture and way of life which is shared by all citizens regardless of ethnic origins. Pop, Brown, 2000). On the other hand, ethnocentrism nationalism IS defined as a community united by their ancestral routes.

Thus, whereas civic nationalism portrays the image of a welcome home, ethnocentrism nationalism portrays a biological family (pop, Brown, 2000). In Britain there has been a tendency to separate nationality as citizenship from nationality as culture, by which they claim it is possible to hold dual nationality such as Scottish and British or Welsh and British. (Breezily, 1993). Civic nationalism reflects the mufti-faceted modern Scotland which is being forced to adapt to he twenty first century where labor can flow seamlessly around the globe.

Because of this we must consider that many individuals who may see themselves as Scottish, Or indeed British, will have other demands on their identity produced through cultural and ancestral heritage. On the other hand ethnocentrism nations want to celebrate their shared ancestry. If we take this to its extreme conclusion then we are all evolved from Adam and Eve and thus nations are just figments of people’s imaginations. Ridiculous as that sound, it emphasizes the point that nations did not exist as nations since the awn of time, even now they only exist on paper and in people’s heads.

But it is in people’s heads that nations are most important. The shared history or cornrow ancestry does not matter if it is real and if an individual believes that they are part of a community then they can provide themselves with a mechanism of support and of being part of something. Snout (1994) claims that a Scottish national identity, or any national identity for that matter is built on history, and many mythical pieces of history taught to Scottish children involve the battle against either English or anglicizes ‘other’.

This can be seen in Bradley (2002) and Agglutination (2005), Bradley shows through his study of Scottish football supporters at international tournaments, that there is an overwhelming sense of a blame England culture in which Scots blame their nearest neighbors for their nation’s shortcomings, and Agglutination (2005) focuses a lot of attention within his article on how Scottish football fans build up their identity upon the us and them mentality of not being English.

Katherine Verdure (1996) claims that nationalism exists on two levels: how the individual views themselves and how the community as a whole views others f a like kind (cited Hassles, 2005). This IS clearly seen in Dickson (1994) and McIntosh, Simi, and Robertson (2004) in their studies of English immigrants to Scotland. Dickson (1994) expresses how throughout the Thatcher years many of Scotland problems were laid solely at the Iron Lady door and this built up a projection of perceived anti-English feeling.

However, he discovered through his research of English immigrants to Scotland that there is very little evidence to suggest that the English migrants are better off or are achieving better positions, and in fact the evidence showed that most immigrants had assimilated themselves into Scottish society. Mcintosh, Simi, and Robertson (2004), carried out interview research on 30 English people living in Scotland and found that many individuals feel victimized and excluded and that their being English gets picked up on as a major facet of distaste.

This idea of the other is emphasized and exaggerated within sports as it is much easier to be patriotic when you can see a group of players representing you against a recognized other (Duke and Crowley, 1996, cited pop, Babel et al, 2007) and Boucher and Constant (1998) argue that sporting fantod is the only place it s now acceptable to show expressive performance of your national identity (cited pop, Babel et al, 2007). The relationship between sport and the expression of national sentiment thus becomes intertwined and inseparable.

Through interviews with international rugby players (Tuck and Maguire, 1 998) it becomes clear that it is not just a minority view but one very clearly expressed through sport, that England are ‘the other’ and the team that everybody values beating most in northern hemisphere rugby. Tom Nair (1 981 ) dismisses sport as sub-culture nationalism, but Jarvis and Reid (1999) dispute this saying that popular culture often keeps ideas of Scottish nationalism alive.

They go on to discuss the importance and symbolism placed upon the 1 991 rugby world cup semi-final at Mercurially and the implications of the tensions and portrayal of Scottish hopes and identities being pinned on this one eighty minute period. The influence a sporting event or moment can have upon both an individual and on a nation can be immense. Jarvis and Reid (1999) link in the idea of the influence of sport on political events by saying that the failure of the 1979 referendum as down to the national team’s poor showing at the 1978 football World Cup in Argentina one year previously.

The cohesion and feeling of ‘being part of something’ created by a sporting moment can bring a community or a nation together. Benedict Anderson defines the nation as an imagined community, but the term ‘imagined’ is used not to misrepresent the community as unreal, but to express the link of each member, who will never know most other members, yet is related to them through a shared culture, history, and kinship, and the belief of these members create a community (1983). This definition Of community and action intertwined presents the idea that the constituents of that nation are part of something and thus gives them something to fight for.

Tuck and Maguire (1998) draw widely on Norte Alias’ conception of national habits and argue that international sports are forms of patriot games and those participating are patriots at play, who are highly visible embodiments of their nation who define the nation. They claim that through time an individual becomes part of the nation and the events relating to the nation come to thus relate to them. Through subconscious flagging of the national identity, such s sport, the mental and the practical forms of identity are inter;mined to form the individual’s outward persona of their identity.

The relationship between how individuals act and how they think can be vastly different in any situation but it is the relationship between these two that forms the onward persona of an individual’s national identity. Jarvis and Reid (1999) in their article Sport, Nationalism, and Culture set out a good basis for any research into sport in national identity by their identification of a variety of arguments on sport’s role in the make up of Scottish national identity.

They highlight three very important points from other direction which are pivotal for this piece: firstly, the role sport plays in reinforcing loyalty and uniqueness among Scottish fans as an anti thesis to British identity (Snout, 1 994 cited Jarvis and Reid, 1999). The examination of the possibilities of dual nationality and the idea that individuals in Scotland today are split, to a degree, between Scottish identity and a British identity, and the identification of Scottish sport as separate from British helps to segregate this identity dilemma and create an identifiable outlet for their Scottish pride.

The second point which is raised is to do with divisions in class between football and rugby (Eliminate, 1959, cited Jarvis and Reid, 1999) The issues around class in Scottish sport are worthy of a paper to themselves, but will not be overemphasized in this paper so as to allow us to concentrate on other avenues.

However, the differences between avid supporters of the two sports in their identification with national identity will be explored and in line with Harvey (1994 cited Jarvis and Reid, 1999) it is expected to find that those who express themselves as strong rugby supporters will value their British identity to a much higher extent. The third point which it is felt necessary to explore is the way in which sport provides submerged nations with an outlet in international affairs (Trucker, 1990 cited Jarvis and Reid, 1999).

The debate over Scotland freedom within the union, especially in being part of a British voice in terms of politics and international affairs, provokes the question as to how much Scots value the strength of their voice within this and whether or not sport can indeed provide this missing voice. The relationship of the international rugby team’s performances to Scottish cantonal feeling is explored by the responses to interviews Of professional rugby union internationalists in Tuck and Maguire(1 998).

Many views were raised through the interviews but across all of them it is made clear that the players are aware of the passion expressed towards their performances and that success was good for the nation as it gave everybody a morale boost. Many of the players also expressed how proud they were to have the opportunity to represent their country, although it must be remembered that rugby, among other sports, is peppered with neutralized nationals, or foreign layers who have become say Scottish, English, or Welsh in order to play sport for them.

The issues of pride and success are tackled later in the current piece, through our participants, in relation to Scotland specifically, and also the issues of neutralized players will be assessed as part of the examination of identity markers and rules. Snout (1994) in his article Perspectives on The Scottish Identity discusses how Scotland has missed two ‘spring-times of nationalism’ and has failed to pick up on either opportunity.

One of these apparent spring times was the ultimately doomed 1 979 devolution debate in which the British government inspired to thwart the chances of success. However, the rise of independent ambitions and separation of nations is taking to a new level the whole idea of diverse regions and the possibility that a peripheral area of a nation may not feel as part of the nation as the rest may leads us to the question of whether we can diversify our national identity and feel a bit of one and a bit of another.

Anthony Smith (1981) clearly showed that every individual has more than one identity, and Luis Moron’s study of Catalonia and Scotland has shown a new edge to this. The concept of dual identity which Moreno and Mclean, (2005) entitled compound nationality) is an examination of the way constituents of a minority state or region view themselves between the regional (ethnocentrism) and national identities they possess.

In order to assess the split identity within the Scottish population, Moreno edited what he already knew from his studies Of Catalonia and in 1986 created which is now known as the Moreno question which asked participants to choose the response they most identified with from: Scottish, not British; More Scottish than British; Equally Scottish and British; More British than Scottish; or British, not Scottish.

In 1986, 39% of respondents identified themselves as Scottish not British, and 30% chose More Scottish than British, only 6% saw themselves as British, not Scottish, and 19% saw the ;o factors as equal within them. (Moreno, 2006). Since Moron’s work in 1986, the question has continued to be used and we can trace the changes in opinion through these figures. In 1997, 23% of those asked said they felt Scottish and not British, and by 2001 this figure had risen to 36% before dropping to 32% in 2003.

The same trend can not be seen in any other response category though, responses to More Scottish than British eve dropped from 38% in 1 997 to 30% in 2001, before climbing to 34% in 2003, responses to Equally Scottish and British fell from 27% to 22% in the same period while both other categories stayed steady at 4%. (Heath, 2007). Burdens and Chapel, (2003) argue that fantod is just one of many identities an individual will have but within it they will be part of an imagined community or a group which shares common ideas and goals, and just as important common enemies.

Bayle (2000) produces an examination of how Scottish football supporters cling to sport, which in truth their team is not ere good at, as a hanger for their national identities as they have very little else to relate to. The current work will endeavourer to examine this idea in the cases of both football and moving into rugby, and will attempt to move into another one of Bobble’s points about beating the English and the significance of the other nation’ upon Scots’ national demeanor in relation to sport.

His research of these issues is expanded by Kowalski (1995) who relates them to the influences they have upon the passionate support of the tartan army, and who claims that many Scots do not dislike the English national sporting teams s an entity, but the distaste is fuelled more by the portrayal and hype of them within the national media than by the sporting teams themselves.

His article ‘Cry For Us, Argentina’: Sport and National Identity in Late- 20th Century Scotland argues that Scotland has retained a strong national identity due to the fact it was able to maintain its traditional institutions again after the union. As Scotland was politically, if not fully culturally, amalgamated into the British nation and the colonial campaigns it lost most of its true individuality within the wider state and so by the twentieth century, sport was here many people saw a vehicle for their nationalist outpourings.

The current work will aim to accentuate this and at the same time asses the extent to which young Scots today, in line with Narrating (1995, cited Pl 24, Hooligan) study of Germany, hang their national identities on sport and sporting stars at both a domestic and international level. Tuck and Maguire (1998) discuss in detail how rugby union in Britain is a paradox of national identity as players compete annually for Scotland, Wales, and England in the six nations and express pride and identification with the erase, but biannually pull on British Lions colors and play together with the same effects.